A city at the heart of Gabalian history

The origins of Langogne remain unknown. The earliest records of its existence date back to the 2nd or 3rd century BC and derive from inscriptions engraved on pottery made in Banassac, a small village not far from La Canourgue.

Specimens of this pottery, preserved in various museums, bear the inscription: Lingonis feliciter (Greetings to the people of Langogne). The dedication obviously applied to a fairly significant number of inhabitants. It can therefore be inferred that they were already numerous enough to constitute a community. If we understand that a city does not arise spontaneously, we must admit that its formation dates back to a time before the Roman occupation. Let us lament, along with Aulus Hirtius, Caesar's lieutenant, that the Gabales were unfamiliar with the art of castra-building and left no constructions that could give an approximation of the city's birth.

It has indeed been suggested that the chapel of Notre-Dame de Tout-Pouvoir could be an ancient building and, with a bit of imagination, a pagan temple transformed into a primitive Christian oratory and incorporated into the structure of the Benedictine church. However, this hypothesis remains purely speculative, as it is only supported by the fact that its foundations sink approximately one metre deeper into the ground compared to the level of the sanctuary's flooring.

The old bridge, formerly named "Pont de Peyre"—whether this name referred to its building materials, designated a place name, or belonged to a riverside owner—bears the imprint, style, and architectural form of Roman constructions. However, it has been modified so many times that it is difficult to assign it an exact date of construction.
There are no remains of a Roman villa in the region like those found in Javols or Florac, nor any of the materials typically used in transalpine works: marble, glazed bricks, tiles, ceramics, mosaics, or bronze ornaments.

A hypothesis regarding a primitive settlement of Langogne near the castra of Mont-Milan has been put forward; however, nothing supports this view. There is no trace of habitation, necropolis, sarcophagus, tumulus, or even a lakeside settlement in the Ponteyre marsh to back this up. Furthermore, the marked preference of the Gauls for seeking out valleys sheltered from the wind and close to watercourses to establish their camps would more reasonably explain the choice of locating the town at the foot of the Beauregard hill in the Langouyrou valley for domestic convenience. The crossroads of paths, starting from the original ford of this stream, would also advocate for the creation of a settlement at this location for easier communication and traffic.

The original name of Langogne, derived from Langouyrou (long stream), further confirms its location along its banks.
The derivation of the Celtic name Lengouôgno, later Frenchified to Langogne but still maintaining its exact original sound in the local dialect, facilitates the etymological explanation of this proper name. Indeed, when relating it to the noun ru, which means small stream, it is noted that the Latin pronunciation of u as ou results in ru being articulated as rou (cf. Latin, virus). The ending ou is also common in many proper names in the region: Badaroux, Chapeauroux, Auroux, Congourou, Langouyrou. Furthermore, given the certainty that the Gauls deified watercourses, either as gods or goddesses, it can be inferred that the title of "mothers" given to the latter allows for the transcription of the Celtic or Breton naehe as na or nae in Latin. Such mutations are numerous; for example, Bourbonne comes from "Borbonaehe", Huveaume from "Uvelnae", Pradelles from "Pratellae", Fontanes from "Fontanae". Without hesitation, one can therefore say that the Celtic designation of Longouy (rou) takes the form of Longouy (naehe), which, when Latinised, becomes Longouy (na). By the action of the nasal yod, the n turns into Lingonia in Latin, which is none other than Lengouôgno in dialect and Langogne in French.

A complementary detail: the Occitan derivation nh, equivalent to the French gn and often encountered in proper names of Gévaudan, specifically turns Cogoluène into "Gogolùg enhe", thus reinforcing the transformation of "Len gonaehe" into Langogne.
The likelihood of this origin for the name Langogne, demonstrated by these similarities, obliges us to dismiss the assumptions of some historians who do not seem to have made much effort to discover an etymology, merely cautiously copying one another.

Abbé Fourcher and Mr Ignon too easily derived the word ligo-nia from the Latin suffix ligo (hoe), which is of Germanic origin ("houwa"). Through tortuous alteration, they fabricated lingonia to reach, one knows not how, Langogne. This interpretation lacks foundation and faces strong opposition.
The most striking issue is certainly the attempt to root the city's name in a Latin word, while its natives, the ancient Gabales, spoke only Celtic and did not even know Latin existed. It is also certain that they did not wait for the Roman invasion to name their village. Are the proofs of its existence prior to the arrival of Caesar's legions not provided by the dedications of the potters of Banassac?

Furthermore, if ligo means "hoe", it also means "to bind, to attach, to join, to unite". It would have been just as elegant, instead of naming the city after a farming tool, to suppose that the Gabales had "bound" and "attached" themselves to their land, and that its designation thus corroborated their feelings of affection and attachment.
Moreover, Mr Grasset's exalted dithyramb about "clearing the soil with a hoe, cradle of the city" does not validate his conclusion that the synonymy derives from the two hoes depicted in Langogne's coat of arms. Had he forgotten that coats of arms date back to the 11th century and therefore arrived a bit too late to give the city its name?

More cautiously, Messrs Cord and Viré content themselves with recalling the Latin inscription on the pottery of Banassac without worrying about researching or tracing the name's origin.
Mr Lhermet, an eminent Latinist, admits he found nothing in Caesar's Commentaries relating to the existence of Langogne, not even a mention of the place. It is true that Caesar did not speak further of Mont-Milan, where his legions were stationed and presumably fortified as an oppidum (a stronghold).
He sees no possible relation between the Latin ligo and the Celtic Lengouôgno. On the other hand, he supports the idea of a vicus at Mont-Milan, which would have been relocated. It was the inclination of the Romans, once masters of a country, to destroy mountain oppida—natural strongholds—and, as a security measure, move the settlements to the plains.

Was Bibracte not replaced by Augustodunum (Autun) and Gergovia by Augustonemetum (Clermont)? Moreover, since he admits the presence of a lake at Ponteyre, at the foot of Mont-Milan, and its highly improbable drying up by the Romans, it would explain why "the gods of the waters" might have sought asylum at the confluence of the Langouyrou and the Allier. They perhaps brought along an imaginary ancient statue, a two-headed representation of a druidic divinity belonging to the two rivers, which, by bold supposition, was transformed into the Virgin of the Christian sanctuary. Although very appealing as a sweet legend, this movement of the vicus and the pagan icon, lacking any probative basis, remains a mere hypothetical fantasy.

History establishes the presence of the Romans on Gabalian territory from 27 BC to 472 AD. Few details remain from this long domination, which turned the land into a colony reduced to slavery under the severe laws, customs, language, and religion of the occupier.

The period that followed, though initially confirming a political and religious emancipation, was quickly marred by invasions of Barbarians, Visigoths, and Franks. The subsequent cascade of incompetent kings, who dragged France into the feudal period, did not improve the fate of a small town living secluded in the Gabalian mountains, which had only regained a very relative religious peace through the spread of Christianity.

The determination of human origins is as troubling and uncertain as that of human destiny. While the believer accepts the supposed principle of creation and the order of existence in light of dogmas and legends, the sceptic acknowledges the hypotheses of matter and confesses his powerlessness to penetrate the mystery of his origins as much as his destiny. We are left only with the chance to discover a few clues or traces to clarify an unfathomable problem that has so far remained unsolved.

The revealed historical period goes back barely five or six thousand years before our era; beyond that, there is only uncertainty and ignorance. Certainly, geology and archaeology, while not always in agreement, strive to push back the boundaries of our primitive knowledge. But while we have understood the obvious transformations of the Earth and the constitution and evolution of the universe, the gleanings of discoveries have yet to determine the exact origin of human beings or the actual time of their appearance.

In the current state of science—which constantly modifies and transforms its explanations in light of incessant new discoveries—man is found at the end of the Mousterian period through chipped and shaped stones, rough pottery, naïve cave drawings, and the primitive use of fire. Bone fossils confirm his existence without providing the exact characteristics of his physical anatomy.

Accepting this data, we can recognise two types of humans, unequally evolved and of different builds. The older type had a delicately shaped head with a receding forehead, a protruding jaw, barely any chin, and deep-set eyes under heavy bony brow ridges. This bestial type stood about 1.50 metres tall, with a stocky torso and short limbs. The second type, with a brachycephalic skull (whose length exceeds its width by a quarter), had a structure much closer to modern humans. Its upright posture maintained an analogy with the first type, which in turn shared traits with anthropoid apes. Thus, a derivation—pursued until acquired superiority—is to be presumed, resulting not only from a slow physical transformation but from progressive intelligence proportional to the increase in brain volume.

The presence of evolved man is established in Gabalian territory dating back more than 3,000 years before our era. This man is undoubtedly linked to the Gallic clan that came from the East, of the Indo-European race, which, according to biblical tradition, descended from Noah's son, Japheth. Following prolific multiplication and the need for survival, they would have emigrated westward to settle in the space blocked by the great sea, where they likely encountered the Iberian individual. The two types—one tall, blond, with blue eyes; the other shorter, dark-haired, with dark eyes—would have mixed and over time become indistinguishable.

The clan embedded in Gabalian land lost its nomadic migratory instincts to become shepherds, farmers, and artisans who loved family life. They showed stunted growth due to the cold climate, a lack of limestone, and insufficient food. Their race was preserved almost intact, without much mixing, due to their sedentary lifestyle. Its members were brave, enterprising, generous, mocking, enthusiastic, quick to quarrel, and fond of fighting. They asserted themselves as passionate about independence and freedom, and deeply patriotic. They became the Gavauts or Gabales, meaning the inhabitants of the province of Gabalum.

The history of Langogne is intimately linked to that of Gévaudan. Its administration and religion are summarised in the traditions of the Gallic nation, based on tribes constituted within family clans. These clans appointed a president, the vergobret, who, when gathered together, formed a senate responsible for administration. Military and religious leaders were also elected.

Their religion was based on two main deities: the Earth and the Sky, along with an infinity of gods and dedicated cults. They worshipped the bubbling god of springs; Taranis, god of thunder; Belen, the sun god; Esus, god of war; and Teutates, the protective spirit of the hearth. Serving the gods were seers, druids, bards, ovates, and druidesses who functioned somewhat like fairies.

Feudal in their religion, satisfied with their administration, and fiercely patriotic, the Gabales did not tolerate any intrusion into their territory. They defended it weapons in hand, protecting it with a series of castra perched on high peaks. These also served as concentration points and departure bases for punitive actions against the Helvii (who had become allies of the Romans) or to assist the Arvernians, besieged by the transalpine legions, as well as for refuge and defence.

Thirty thousand men, it has been claimed, would have probably left the oppidum of Mont-Milan to rush to the aid of the Arvernians, commanded by Vercingetorix and attacked by Julius Caesar. Beaten separately by the Roman army, they left hostages in its hands, but these were returned to their homes instead of being slain as conquered by the sword or taken into slavery. This magnanimous concession from a great strategist was meant to allow the invasion, without a fight, of the Gabalian land by Caesar's army.

From this moment on, the Romans settled permanently, reducing the people to slavery. They destroyed druidism, which was more of a corporation than a religion, by hunting down the druids who stimulated the patriotism and warrior spirit of the masses. They themselves had no religion and only practised a sort of polytheism, established in idolatry, which even deified their emperors. It was necessary to wait for the decline of Rome and the appearance of Christianity to overturn this anachronism.

When Christianity spread from the East, reaching Gaul through the Mediterranean shores filled with Levantine trading posts, the new religion was eagerly accepted since it promised deliverance, freedom, and brotherhood. After many hesitations, Catholicism adopted the principle of Rome's administrative organisation. Preachers formed cenacles or churches. Each chose the most deserving to become its priest, who, grouped together, elected a bishop. Together, they appointed archbishops and their supreme leader, the pope. There were heresies, schisms, and persecutions, but finally, the religion tolerated and then embraced by Emperor Constantine took root at a time when the fall of Roman power left Gaul the opportunity to shake off a yoke that had oppressed it for several centuries. The Gabales, who had suffered the vicissitudes of their homeland, stood up emancipated and Catholic.